Debates on Future Strategy after CDM and Government of India Act, 1935

The withdrawal of the Civil Disobedience Movement in April 1934 left the national movement in a strategic vacuum. With mass struggle suspended and no active programme, Congress faced two successive debates about what to do next — the first (1934–35) on the immediate strategy during the passive phase, and the second (1937) on whether to accept office under the newly enacted Government of India Act, 1935.

These debates were not merely tactical — they reflected a deep ideological rift between the Gandhian centre, the constitutional right, and the socialist-left within Congress. The parallel enactment of the GOI Act, 1935 provided both the arena and the provocation for these debates.

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Three perspectives competed for the Congress's strategic direction after the CDM ended.

Perspective 1: Constructive Work (Gandhian Line)

Focus on spinning khadi, building national schools, village service, anti-untouchability work — the traditional Gandhian approach to sustaining mass readiness between active phases.

Perspective 2: Constitutional Struggle and Council Entry

Advocated by M.A. Ansari, Asaf Ali, Bhulabhai Desai, S. Satyamurthy, and B.C. Roy. Their arguments:

• In a period of political apathy, elections and council work could sustain political interest and morale.
• Participation in elections did not amount to faith in constitutionalism — it was a tactical front.
• Council presence would help build Congress organisation and prepare masses for the next phase.
• A strong presence in the councils would be an equivalent to the movement in its absence.

Perspective 3: Nehru's Left Position — Continuous Mass Struggle

Jawaharlal Nehru rejected both constructive work and council entry as diversions from the main anti-colonial struggle. The situation was still revolutionary — economic crisis continued and the masses were ready to fight. His position:

On socialism: "The basic goal before Indian people as before people of the world is abolition of capitalism and establishment of socialism." He called the CDM withdrawal and council entry "a spiritual defeat," "a surrender of ideals," and "a retreat from revolutionary to reformist mentality."

On mass mobilisation: He proposed revising vested interests in favour of the masses by taking up the economic and class demands of peasants and workers, organising them in class organisations (kisan sabhas and trade unions), and allowing these to affiliate with Congress — thus influencing its policies. There could be no genuine anti-imperialist struggle, he argued, without incorporating the class struggle of the masses.

Nehru's Opposition to the Struggle-Truce-Struggle (S-T-S) Strategy

Gandhi and a large section of Congress believed that a mass struggle phase must be followed by a truce/reprieve phase before the next mass struggle — allowing the masses to recoup strength and the government to respond. This was the Struggle-Truce-Struggle (S-T-S) strategy.

Nehru's critique: after the Lahore Congress's purna swaraj call, the movement had reached a stage requiring continuous confrontation with imperialism until it was overthrown. He advocated "continuous direct action" without any interposed constitutionalist phase. Against S-T-S, he proposed a Struggle-Victory (S-V) strategy. "Real power cannot be won by two annas and four annas."

Outcome: Congress Accepts Council Entry

Nationalists and British officials alike expected a Surat-style split, but Gandhi conciliated the council-entry faction:

"Parliamentary politics cannot lead to freedom but those Congressmen who could not, for some reason, offer satyagraha or devote themselves to constructive work should not remain unoccupied and could express their patriotic energies through council work provided they are not sucked into constitutionalism or self-serving."

In May 1934, the AICC met at Patna and set up a Parliamentary Board to fight elections under the Congress.

Gandhi's resignation (October 1934): Gandhi was aware of being "out of tune with powerful trends" — a large section favoured parliamentary politics; another was estranged by his emphasis on the spinning wheel; socialists had fundamental differences. He resigned from Congress to "serve it better in thought, word and deed."

The socialists (led by Nehru) reasoned: the British must first be expelled before the struggle for socialism could be waged; in an anti-imperialist struggle, unity around Congress (still the only anti-imperialist mass organisation) was indispensable; it was better to gradually radicalise Congress from within than to get isolated from the masses.

Result: In the November 1934 elections to the Central Legislative Assembly, the Congress captured 45 out of 75 seats reserved for Indians.

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Passed by the British Parliament in August 1935, enforced from July 1935 (formally operative from 1937), this was the longest Act ever passed by the British Parliament and the direct precursor to India's Independence Act of 1947. It had two main parts: a proposed All India Federation (which never materialised) and Provincial Autonomy (which did).

Main Features

1. All India Federation (Never Materialised)

• To comprise all British Indian provinces, all chief commissioner's provinces, and Indian princely states.
• Conditions for formation: (i) States with allotment of 52 seats in the proposed Council of States must agree to join; (ii) aggregate population of such states must be 50% of the total population of all Indian states.
• These conditions were never fulfilled — the proposed federation never came up.
• The central government continued to operate under the Government of India Act, 1919 until 1946.

2. Federal Level (Never Operative)

Executive:

• Governor-General was the pivot of the entire Constitution.
• Subjects divided into reserved (foreign affairs, defence, tribal areas, ecclesiastical affairs) — administered by GG on advice of executive councillors NOT responsible to legislature — and transferred (all others) — administered by GG on advice of ministers responsible to the federal legislature.
• GG could act on individual judgement for security and tranquillity of India.

Legislature:

• Bicameral: Council of States (upper, 260 members — partly directly elected from British India, partly 40% nominated by princes) and Federal Assembly (lower, 375 members — partly indirectly elected from British India, partly one-third nominated by princes).
• Oddly: election to Council of States was direct; election to Federal Assembly was indirect.
• Council of States: permanent body, one-third retiring every third year. Federal Assembly: duration of 5 years.
• Three lists: federal, provincial, and concurrent.
• Federal Assembly could pass a vote of no-confidence against ministers; Council of States could NOT.
• 80% of the budget was non-votable.
• GG had residuary powers: restore cuts in grants, certify rejected bills, issue ordinances, exercise veto.
• Communal and class electorates further extended.

3. Provincial Autonomy (Operative from 1937 — Key Feature)

This was the only operative part of the Act. Dyarchy was replaced by provincial autonomy.

New Status of Provinces:

• Provinces granted autonomy and separate legal identity.
• Freed from superintendence and direction of the Secretary of State and Governor-General.
• Provinces derived legal authority directly from the British Crown.
• Independent financial powers — could borrow money on their own security.

Provincial Executive:

• Governor was the Crown's nominee exercising authority on the king's behalf.
• Governor had special powers regarding minorities, civil servants' rights, law and order, British business interests, partially excluded areas, princely states.
• Governor could take over and indefinitely run the administration.

Provincial Legislature:

• All members directly elected; franchise extended; women got the right on the same basis as men.
• Separate electorates based on Communal Award made operational.
• Ministers administered all provincial subjects in a council of ministers headed by a premier.
• Ministers answerable to and removable by the legislature.
• Provincial legislature could legislate on subjects in provincial and concurrent lists.
• 40% of the budget was still not votable.
• Governor could refuse assent to a bill, promulgate ordinances, enact Governor's Acts.

Evaluation of the Act

• Enfranchised 14% of British Indian population (still extremely limited).
• Numerous safeguards and special responsibilities of the GG functioned as brakes — Nehru: "We are provided with a car, all brakes and no engine."
• Governors still had extensive powers in provinces, undermining the autonomy granted.
• Extension of communal electorates and representation of various interests promoted separatist tendencies culminating in Partition.
• Rigid constitution — no possibility of internal growth; right of amendment reserved with British Parliament.
• The proposed All India Federation never materialised.

British Long-Term Strategy Behind the Act

• Suppression was only short-term; the long-term goal was to weaken the national movement and integrate large segments into colonial, constitutional, and administrative structure.
• Reforms would revive political standing of constitutionalist liberals and moderates who had lost public support during the CDM.
• Repression followed by reforms would convince Congressmen of the ineffectiveness of extra-legal struggle.
• Once Congressmen tasted power, they would be reluctant to return to politics of sacrifice.
• Reforms could create dissensions in Congress — right wing placated through constitutional concessions; radical leftists crushed through police measures.
• Provincial autonomy would create powerful autonomous provincial leaders → Congress would be "provincialised" and central leadership weakened.

Lord Linlithgow (Viceroy 1936–43): "We framed the Act of 1935 because we thought that was the best way...of maintaining British influence in India."

Nationalists' Response

• Congress: Unanimously rejected — demanded a Constituent Assembly elected on the basis of adult franchise to frame an independent constitution.
• Hindu Mahasabha and National Liberal Foundation: Declared in favour of working the Act at both central and provincial levels.

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In early 1937, provincial elections were announced under the autonomy provisions of the 1935 Act. Everyone in Congress agreed the Act must be opposed "root and branch" — but how? If Congress won majorities, should it form governments?

Congress Sessions: Lucknow (1936) and Faizpur (1937)

Both sessions decided to fight elections but postpone the decision on office acceptance to the post-election phase. The resolution: "not to submit to this constitution or to cooperate with it, but to combat it both inside and outside the legislatures so that it can be ended."

Divided Opinion

Against office acceptance (Nehru, Subhash Bose, Congress socialists and communists):

• Accepting office under the 1935 Act would negate the Congress's rejection of the Act.
• It would mean assuming responsibility without real power.
• Constitutional work would sideline the main issues — freedom, economic and social justice, removal of poverty.
• Would strip the movement of its revolutionary character.
• Counter-strategy: enter councils to create deadlocks, making the Act unworkable (the old Swarajist approach).
• Long-term: integrate workers' and peasants' class organisations into Congress, imparting a socialist direction and preparing for the next mass movement.

For office acceptance (right and centre):

• Equally committed to combating the Act, but legislative work was only a short-term tactic — mass struggle alone could win independence, but was not available at the time.
• Capturing or rejecting office was a matter of strategy, not socialism.
• Danger of being sucked into wrong tendencies existed — but the answer was to fight those tendencies, not abandon office.
• The administrative field must not be left open to pro-government reactionary forces.
• Despite limited powers, provincial ministries could promote constructive work.

Gandhi's evolution: Initially opposed office acceptance in CWC meetings, but by early 1936 was willing to give Congress ministries a trial.

The 1937 Elections

Held in February 1937 across 11 provinces: Madras, Central Provinces, Bihar, Orissa, United Provinces, Bombay Presidency, Assam, NWFP, Bengal, Punjab, and Sindh.

Franchise facts: ~30.1 million persons enfranchised (including 4.25 million women) — 14% of total population. Of these, 15.5 million (including 917,000 women) actually voted.

Congress Manifesto: Total rejection of the 1935 Act; release of political prisoners; removal of disabilities based on gender and caste; radical transformation of the agrarian system; substantial reduction of rent and revenue; scaling down of rural debts; cheap credit; right to form trade unions and to strike. Gandhi did NOT attend a single election meeting.

Results: Congress won 716 out of 1,161 seats contested (total seats across 11 provinces: 1,585). Congress got a majority in 6 provinces; did NOT get majority in Bengal, Assam, Punjab, Sindh and NWFP — but emerged as the largest party in Bengal, Assam and NWFP.

Congress eventually formed ministries in: Bombay, Madras, Central Provinces, United Provinces, Bihar, Orissa, Assam and NWFP — eight provinces.

The Congress's electoral performance reconciled Nehru to the dominant S-T-S strategy.

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• GS Paper I — Modern History: The two debates reveal the ideological pluralism within the Congress — Gandhian, constitutional-right, and socialist-left strands coexisting in one organisation. This pluralism was both a strength (mass base) and a source of constant internal tension.
• Constitutional History: The GOI Act 1935 is the direct legislative ancestor of the Indian Constitution — provincial autonomy, three legislative lists (federal/provincial/concurrent), bicameralism, and the office of Governor all survive into independent India's framework. The concurrent list directly influenced Articles 246 and the Seventh Schedule.
• Federalism in India: The 1935 Act's proposed but never-operative federation shows how federalism can be offered as a constitutional framework while being made contingent on conditions designed to prevent its realisation. The princely states' failure to accede prevented federation then; their accession post-1947 made it possible.
• Nationalism and strategy debates: The S-T-S vs S-V debate prefigures recurring questions in all national liberation movements about when to negotiate, when to fight, and how to sustain mass participation over time.
• Office acceptance debate: Connects directly to the later debate over partition and the Congress's acceptance of power in 1947. The tension between ideological purity and strategic pragmatism runs through the entire history of the Congress.

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• GOI Act, 1935 passed vs enforced: Passed by British Parliament in August 1935; enforced/operative for provinces from 1937 (provincial elections February 1937). Do NOT say "passed in 1937."
• The All India Federation: It was proposed but never formed — conditions (52 seats from states, 50% population) were never fulfilled. The 1919 Act continued at the Centre until 1946.
• Council of States composition: 260 members; 40% nominated by princes. Federal Assembly: 375 members; one-third nominated by princes.
• Election method anomaly: Council of States (upper house) had direct election; Federal Assembly (lower house) had indirect election — the reverse of normal convention. Frequently reversed in options.
• Non-votable budget: 80% at the Centre (Federal level); 40% at the provincial level. These two figures are commonly swapped.
• Vote of no-confidence: Federal Assembly could pass it against ministers; Council of States could NOT.
• Congress seats in 1934 central elections: 45 out of 75 seats reserved for Indians.
• Congress seats in 1937 provincial elections: Won 716 out of 1,161 contested; total seats = 1,585; majority in 6 provinces (NOT all 11).
• Provinces without Congress majority (1937): Bengal, Assam, Punjab, Sindh, NWFP — but Congress was in Bengal, Assam, NWFP.

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• CDM withdrawn: April 1934.
• First Stage Debate: 3 positions — Gandhian constructive work; council entry (Ansari, Asaf Ali, Desai, Satyamurthy, B.C. Roy); Nehru's continuous mass struggle (S-V strategy vs S-T-S).
• AICC Patna (May 1934): Parliamentary Board set up; council entry accepted.
• Gandhi resigned from Congress: October 1934.
• Central Legislative Assembly elections: November 1934; Congress won 45/75 Indian seats.
• GOI Act 1935: Passed August 1935; enforced 1937.
• All India Federation: Never formed (conditions — 52 seats from states, 50% state population — never met); 1919 Act continued at Centre till 1946.
• Federal Legislature (never operative): Council of States (260, 40% princes, direct election); Federal Assembly (375, 1/3 princes, indirect election).
• Budget non-votable: 80% federal; 40% provincial.
• Vote of no-confidence: Federal Assembly yes; Council of States no.
• Provincial Autonomy (operative): Dyarchy abolished; provinces from British Crown directly; direct elections; women on equal basis; Communal Award electorates operational; 40% budget non-votable; Governor retained wide special powers.
• GOI Act 1935 enfranchised: 14% of population.
• Nationalist response: Congress unanimously rejected; Hindu Mahasabha + National Liberal Foundation accepted.
• British long-term strategy: Weaken nationalist movement; provincialise Congress; co-opt constitutionalists; divide right and left.
• Second Stage Debate: Congress sessions at Lucknow (1936) and Faizpur (1937) — fight elections, postpone office acceptance decision.
• 1937 elections: 11 provinces; February 1937; ~30.1 million voters (14%); Congress won 716/1,161 seats; majority in 6 provinces; no majority in Bengal, Assam, Punjab, Sindh, NWFP.
• Congress ministries formed in 8 provinces: Bombay, Madras, CP, UP, Bihar, Orissa, Assam, NWFP.
• Faizpur Congress session: First Congress session held in a village.