The Deccan and South India (up to 1656)

Post-Vijayanagara Deccan

Following the break-up of the Bahmani kingdom, three powerful successor states emerged: Ahmadnagar, Bijapur, and Golconda. They had combined to crush Vijayanagara at the Battle of Bannihatti (near Talikota) in 1565. After the victory, the Deccani states resumed their old mutual rivalries — both Ahmadnagar and Bijapur claimed Sholapur (a rich and fertile tract) and could not resolve the issue through wars or marriage alliances. Both also had the ambition of conquering Bidar. Ahmadnagar also wanted to annex Berar in the north. Bijapur and Golconda clashed over the possession of Naldurg.

Among the Deccani states, the Nizam Shahis of Ahmadnagar claimed a superior, if not hegemonistic, position in the Deccan — contested by Bijapur and also by the rulers of Gujarat who had their eyes on the rich Konkan area and on Berar.

Growing Importance of the Marathas

A second defining feature of the Deccan after 1565 was the growing importance of the Marathas. Maratha troops had always been employed as loose auxiliaries or bargis (also called bargis) in the Bahmani kingdom. Revenue affairs at the local level were in the hands of Deccani brahmanas. Some of the old Maratha families which rose in the service of the Bahmani rulers and held mansabs and jagirs were the More, Nimbalkar, Ghatge, etc. Most of them were powerful zamindars or deshmukhs.

Unlike the Rajputs, none of the Marathas was an independent ruler or ruled over a large kingdom. Nor were they leaders of clans on whose backing they could depend. Hence, many of the Maratha sardars appear to have been military adventurers who were prepared to shift their loyalty according to the prevailing wind. Nevertheless, the Marathas formed the backbone of the landed aristocracy of the Deccan — with a position similar to the Rajputs in large parts of north India.

During the middle of the sixteenth century, the rulers of the Deccan states embarked upon a definite policy of winning over the Marathas to their side. Ibrahim Adil Shah of Bijapur (who ascended the throne in 1555) was the leading advocate of this policy. It is said that he entertained 30,000 Maratha auxiliaries (bargis) in his army, showed great favour to the Marathas in the revenue system, and is supposed to have introduced Marathi in revenue accounts at all levels. Apart from increasing his favours to old families, a few other families such as the Bhonsales (who had the family name of Ghorpade), the Dafles (or Chavans), etc., also rose to prominence in Bijapur as a result of this policy. Maharashtrian brahmanas were regularly used for diplomatic negotiations. Thus the title of Peshwa was accorded to a brahmana, Kankoji Narsi, by the rulers of Ahmadnagar. Marathas played an important role in the states of Ahmadnagar and Golconda as well.

The policy of allying with local landed and military classes had been initiated by the Deccani rulers even before such a policy was implemented by the Mughals under Akbar.

Internal Instability: Deccani vs. Newcomer Factions

The Deccan was a seething cauldron of politics. War between the various Deccani states was a frequent occurrence. The death of a ruler often led to factional fights among nobles, with each party trying to act as king-maker. Hostility between the Deccanis and the Newcomers (afaqis or gharibs) found free play. Among the Deccanis, the Habshis (Abyssinians or Africans) and Afghans formed separate groups and factions that had little contact with the life and culture of the people of the region. The process of assimilation of the Marathas into the military and political system of the Deccani states which had started earlier did not make much headway.

The situation was worsened by sectarian conflicts and controversies. Towards the beginning of the century, Shiism became the state religion of Iran under the Safavid dynasty. Shiism had been a suppressed sect for a long time; in the first flush of enthusiasm, votaries of the new sect engaged in a good deal of persecution of their erstwhile opponents. As a result, members of many eminent families fled to India and sought shelter at the court of Akbar — who made no distinction between Shias and Sunnis. Some of the Deccani states, notably Golconda, adopted Shiism as a state religion. At the courts of Bijapur and Ahmadnagar too, the Shiite party was strong but could prevail only from time to time — this resulted in heightened party strife.

Mahdawi ideas had also spread widely in the Deccan. Saiyid Muhammad (born at Jaunpur in the first half of the fifteenth century) had proclaimed himself the Mahdi. He established his dairas (circles) in different parts of the country, including the Deccan — where his ideas found a fertile soil. The orthodox elements were as bitterly opposed to Mahdawism as to Shiism, though there was no love lost between the two. It was in this context that Akbar had put forward the concept of sulh-kul — he was afraid that the bitter sectarian rivalries prevailing in the Deccani states would spill over into the Mughal empire.

Akbar was also apprehensive of the growing power of the Portuguese. The Portuguese had been interfering in pilgrim traffic to Mecca, not sparing the royal ladies. In their territories, they were carrying on proselytizing activities which Akbar disliked. They were constantly trying to expand their positions on the mainland, and had even tried to lay their hand on Surat (saved by the timely arrival of a Mughal commander). Akbar apparently felt that the coordination and pooling of the resources of the Deccani states under Mughal supervision would check, if not eliminate, the Portuguese danger.

These factors impelled Akbar to involve himself in the Deccani affairs.

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Why the Vindhyas Were Not an Insurmountable Barrier

Although the Vindhyas divided the north and the south, it was not an insurmountable barrier. Travellers, merchandise, pilgrims, and wandering saints had always passed between the north and the south — making the two culturally one, though each had its own distinctive cultural features. The conquest of the Deccan by the Tughlaqs and the improved communications between the north and south had led to a strengthening of commercial and cultural relations. After the decline of the Delhi Sultanat, many Sufi saints and persons in search of employment had migrated to the court of the Bahmani rulers. Politically also, the north and south were not isolated — rulers of Gujarat and Malwa in the west, and Orissa in the east, had been continually involved in the politics of south India.

Hence, after the conquest of Malwa and Gujarat in the 1560s and early 1570s, the Mughals could hardly have kept themselves aloof from Deccan politics. In 1576, a Mughal army invaded Khandesh and compelled the rulers of Khandesh to submit. However, urgent matters called Akbar elsewhere. For twelve years between 1586 and 1598, Akbar lived at Lahore, watching the north-western situation. In the interval, affairs in the Deccan deteriorated.

Akbar's Diplomatic Offensive (1591)

In 1591, Akbar launched a diplomatic offensive. He sent embassies to all the Deccani states inviting them to accept Mughal suzerainty. As might have been expected, none of the states accepted this offer, the only exception being Khandesh (which was too near and exposed to the Mughals to resist). Burhan, the ruler of Ahmadnagar, was rude to the Mughal envoy; the others only made promises of friendship.

The Crisis of Ahmadnagar Succession (1595) and Chand Bibi

The necessary opportunity was provided when factional fighting broke out among the Nizam Shahi nobles following the death of Burhan in 1595. There were four candidates for the throne, backed by different parties. The strongest claim was that of Bahadur, son of the deceased ruler. Ibrahim Adil Shah II of Bijapur was inclined to support his claim. Chand Bibi — who was the sister of Burhan, the widow of the former ruler of Bijapur who was Ibrahim's uncle — was a remarkable woman who had virtually ruled the state for almost ten years when Ibrahim Adil Shah was a minor. She had gone to Ahmadnagar to condole, and took up with vigour the cause of her nephew Bahadur.

It was against this background that the leader of the rival party, the Deccanis, invited the Mughals to intervene. The struggle which now began was really a struggle between Bijapur and the Mughals for the domination of Ahmadnagar state.

The Mughal invasion was led by Prince Murad (governor of Gujarat) and by Abdur Rahim Khan-i-Khanan. The ruler of Khandesh was asked to cooperate. Due to factional fights among the Ahmadnagar nobles, the Mughals encountered little opposition till they reached the capital, Ahmadnagar. Chand Bibi shut herself up in the fort with the boy-king Bahadur. After a close siege of four months, Chand Bibi played a valiant role; the two sides came to an agreement: Berar was to be ceded to the Mughals in return for their recognition of the claim of Bahadur. Mughal suzerainty was also recognised. This was in 1596.

The Mughal annexation of Berar alarmed the Deccani states. They felt — not without reason — that Berar would give the Mughals a permanent foothold in the Deccan which could be enlarged at any time. Hence, they sided with Ahmadnagar and created obstacles in the Mughals taking possession of Berar. Soon, a combined force of Bijapur, Golconda, and Ahmadnagar, led by a Bijapur commander, invaded Berar in strength. In a hard-fought battle in 1597, the Mughals defeated a Deccani force three times their number. The Bijapuri and Golconda forces now withdrew, leaving Chand Bibi alone to meet the situation.

Although Chand Bibi was in favour of observing the treaty of 1596, she could not stop harassing attacks on the Mughals in Berar by her nobles. This resulted in a second Mughal siege of Ahmadnagar. In the absence of any help from any quarter, Chand Bibi opened negotiations with the Mughals. She was, however, accused of treachery by a hostile faction and murdered. Thus ended the life of one of the most romantic figures in Deccani politics. The Mughals now assaulted and captured Ahmadnagar. The boy-king Bahadur was sent to the fortress of Gwalior. Balaghat too was added to the empire and a Mughal garrison was stationed at Ahmadnagar. This was in 1600.

Khandesh and Asirgarh (1601)

To study the situation on the spot, Akbar advanced into Malwa and then into Khandesh. He learnt that the new ruler of Khandesh had not shown due respect to Prince Daniyal when he had passed through his territory on his way to Ahmadnagar. Akbar was also keen to secure the fort of Asirgarh in Khandesh — reputed to be the strongest fort in the Deccan. After a tight siege, and when a pestilence had broken out, the ruler came out and surrendered (1601). Khandesh was incorporated in the Mughal empire. After the capture of Asirgarh, Akbar returned to the north to deal with the rebellion of his son Salim.

Assessment of Akbar's Deccan Policy

Although the conquest of Khandesh, Berar, Balaghat, and Mughal control over the fort of Ahmadnagar were substantial achievements, the Mughals had yet to consolidate their position. Akbar was conscious that no lasting solution to the Deccan problem could be arrived at without an agreement with Bijapur. He therefore sent messages of assurances to Ibrahim Adil Shah II, offering to marry off his daughter to Prince Daniyal, the youngest son of Akbar. But soon after the marriage (1602), the prince died of excessive drinking. Thus the situation in the Deccan remained nebulous, and had to be tackled by Akbar's successor, Jahangir.

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Malik Ambar's Origins and Rise

Malik Ambar was an Abyssinian, born in Ethiopia. We do not know much about his early life and career. It seems that his poor parents sold him at the slave market of Baghdad. In course of time, he was purchased by a merchant who treated him well and brought him to the Deccan. Malik Ambar rose in the service of Changez Khan, one of the famous and influential nobles of Murtaza Nizam Shah. When the Mughals invaded Ahmadnagar, Ambar at first went to Bijapur to try his luck there. But he soon came back and enrolled himself in the powerful Habshi (Abyssinian) party which was opposed to Chand Bibi.

After the fall of Ahmadnagar, Malik Ambar found a Nizam Shahi prince and with the tacit support of the ruler of Bijapur, set him up as Murtaza Nizam Shah II, with himself as the Peshwa — a title which had been common in Ahmadnagar much earlier. Malik Ambar gathered around him a large band of Maratha troopers or bargis. The Marathas were adept in rapid movements and in plundering and cutting off the supplies of the enemy troops. Although this guerilla mode of warfare was traditional with the Marathas in the Deccan, the Mughals were not used to it. With the help of the Marathas, Ambar made it difficult for the Mughals to consolidate their position in Berar, Ahmadnagar, and Balaghat.

Ambar vs. Khan-i-Khanan under Jahangir

The Mughal commander in the Deccan at the time was Abdur Rahim Khan-i-Khanan — a shrewd and wily politician and an able soldier. He inflicted a crushing defeat on Ambar in 1601 in Telingana at a place called Nander. However, he decided to make friends with Ambar since he considered it desirable that there should be some stability in the remaining Nizam Shahi kingdom.

Fortified with the support of Bijapur, and with the active aid of the Marathas, Ambar soon forced Khan-i-Khanan to retreat to Burhanpur. By 1610, all the gains in the Deccan made by Akbar were lost. Although Jahangir sent Prince Parvez to the Deccan with a large army, he could not meet the challenge posed by Malik Ambar. Even Ahmadnagar was lost, and Parvez had to conclude a disgraceful peace with Ambar.

Ambar won over to his side a number of Habshi and Maratha nobles such as Jagdev Rai, Babaji Kate, Udaji Ram, etc. Jahangir himself was well aware of the value of the Marathas — he observed in his Memoirs that the Marathas "are a hardy lot and (who) are the centre of resistance in that country".

The 1616 Victory and Ambar's Submission (1618)

With the help of the Maratha sardars, the Khan-i-Khanan inflicted a crushing defeat on the combined forces of Ahmadnagar, Bijapur, and Golconda in 1616. The Mughals occupied the new Nizam Shahi capital, Khirki, and burnt all its buildings before they left. This defeat shook the Deccani alliance against the Mughals.

To complete the Khan-i-Khanan's victory, Jahangir sent a grand army under his son Prince Khurram (later Shah Jahan) and himself moved to Mandu to support the prince (1618). Faced with this threat, Ambar had no option but to submit. It is significant, however, that in the treaty Jahangir did not try to enlarge the conquest made by Akbar in the Deccan — due not to any military weakness on the part of Jahangir, but to deliberate policy. Apparently, Jahangir did not want to extend Mughal commitments in the Deccan, or become too deeply embroiled in its affairs. Moreover, he was hopeful that his moderation would enable the Deccani states to settle down and live in peace with the Mughals. As a part of his policy, Jahangir tried to win over Bijapur to his side, and sent a gracious farman to Adil Shah calling him 'son'.

The treaty also cemented by a marriage alliance between the daughter of one of the leading Ethiopian nobles of Bijapur with Malik Ambar. The marriage was celebrated in 1609 with great rejoicing, the Adil Shah giving a handsome dowry to the bride and spending about Rs. 80,000 on fireworks alone.

Ambar's Resurgence and the Climax of His Power

Ambar became arrogant and alienated his allies. The Khan-i-Khanan, who had again been posted as the Mughal viceroy of the Deccan, took advantage of the situation and won over to his side a number of Habshi and Maratha nobles. However, after the death of Akbar, when the position of the Mughals in the Deccan became weak due to differences among the Mughal commanders, Ambar unleashed a fierce campaign to expel the Mughals from Berar, Balaghat, and Ahmadnagar. In this enterprise he was helped by Ibrahim Adil Shah of Bijapur.

Ambar conducted a series of campaigns against Bijapur for the recovery of Sholapur — a bone of contention between the two states. By a rapid movement Ambar reached the Bijapur capital, burnt the new capital of Nauraspur built by Ibrahim Adil Shah, and forced him to flee for shelter to the fort. This might be regarded the climax of Ambar's power.

Although Ambar showed remarkable military skill, energy, and determination, his achievements were short-lived due to his inability or unwillingness to come to terms with the Mughals. The chief significance of the rise of Ambar, however, is that it represented a clear recognition of the importance of the Marathas in Deccani affairs. The success of the Marathas under the leadership of Malik Ambar gave them confidence which enabled them to play an independent role later on.

Malik Ambar tried to improve the administration of the Nizam Shahi state by introducing Todarmal's system of land revenue. He abolished the old system of giving land on contract (ijara) which was ruinous for the peasants, and adopted the zabti system.

After 1622, when the Deccan was in turmoil due to the rebellion of Prince Shah Jahan against Jahangir, Malik Ambar was able to recover once again many of the old territories which had been ceded to the Mughals. Jahangir's attempt at consolidating the Mughal position in the Deccan was, thus, frustrated. Malik Ambar breathed his last in 1626 at the ripe age of 80. But the bitter fruits of his legacy had to be reaped by his successors.

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Shah Jahan's Deccan Policy

Shah Jahan ascended the throne in 1627. Having commanded two expeditions to the Deccan as a prince and spent a considerable period in the Deccan during his rebellion against his father, Shah Jahan had much experience and personal knowledge of the Deccan and its politics.

Shah Jahan's first concern as a ruler was to recover the territories in the Deccan which had been lost to the Nizam Shahi ruler. For this purpose, he deputed an old and experienced noble, Khan-i-Jahan Lodi. However, Khan-i-Jahan Lodi failed in the enterprise and was recalled to the court. Shortly afterwards, he rebelled and joined the Nizam Shah who deputed him to expel the Mughals from the remaining portions of Berar and Balaghat. Giving asylum to a leading Mughal noble in this manner was a challenge Shah Jahan could not ignore. It was clear that even after Malik Ambar's death, his policy of refusing to recognise the Mughal position in Berar and Balaghat was being continued by the Nizam Shahi ruler. Shah Jahan, therefore, came to the conclusion that there could be no peace for the Mughals in the Deccan as long as Ahmadnagar continued as an independent state — a major departure from the policy followed by Akbar and Jahangir.

Shahji Bhonsale and the Fall of Ahmadnagar (1633)

In 1629, Shah Jahan deputed large armies against Ahmadnagar — one to operate in the west in the Balaghat region, and the other in the east in the Telingana region. The emperor himself moved to Burhanpur to coordinate their movements. Under relentless pressure, large parts of the Ahmadnagar state were brought under Mughal occupation. Parenda, one of the last outposts of the kingdom, was besieged. The Nizam Shah now sent a piteous appeal to the Adil Shah.

Around this time, Fath Khan (the son of Malik Ambar) had recently been appointed Peshwa by the Nizam Shah in the hope that he would be able to induce Shah Jahan to make peace. Instead, Fath Khan opened secret negotiations with Shah Jahan and, at his instance, murdered the Nizam Shah, put a puppet on the throne, read the khutba, and struck the sikka in the name of the Mughal emperor. As a reward, Fath Khan was taken in Mughal service, and the jagir around Poona previously allotted to Shahji was transferred to him. As a result, Shahji defected from the Mughal side (these events took place in 1631).

After the surrender of Fath Khan, Shah Jahan appointed Mahabat Khan as Mughal viceroy of the Deccan and himself returned to Agra. Mahabat Khan faced with the combined opposition of Bijapur and the local Nizam Shah nobles including Shahji, found himself in a very difficult situation. Parenda surrendered to Bijapur. It will thus be seen that the Mughals and Bijapur were, in reality, engaged in a contest for dividing the prostrate body of Ahmadnagar between themselves. The Adil Shah sent a large army under Randaula Khan and Murari Pandit for the surrender of Daulatabad and for provisioning its garrison. Shahji also was enrolled in Bijapur's service to harass the Mughals and cut off their supplies. But the combined operations of the Bijapuri forces and Shahji were of no avail. Mahabat Khan closely invested Daulatabad, and forced the garrison to surrender (1633). The Nizam Shah was sent to prison in Gwalior — this marked the end of the Nizam Shahi dynasty.

Treaties of 1636: Bijapur and Golconda Accept Mughal Suzerainty

Shah Jahan now decided to give personal attention to the problems of the Deccan. He realised that the crux of the situation was the attitude of Bijapur. He, therefore, deputed a large army to invade Bijapur, and also sent feelers to the Adil Shah, offering to revive the earlier accord of dividing the territory of Ahmadnagar between Bijapur and the Mughals.

The policy of carrot and stick and the advance of Shah Jahan to the Deccan brought about another change in Bijapur politics. The leaders of the anti-Mughal group including Murari Pandit were displaced and killed, and a new treaty or ahdnam was entered into with Shah Jahan. According to this treaty:

• The Adil Shah agreed to recognise Mughal suzerainty.
• He agreed to pay an indemnity of twenty lakhs of rupees.
• He agreed not to interfere in the affairs of Golconda (which was brought under Mughal protection).
• Any quarrel between Bijapur and Golconda was, in the future, to be referred to the Mughal emperor for his arbitration.
• The Adil Shah agreed to operate with the Mughals for reducing Shahji to submission, and if he agreed to join Bijapuri service, to depute him in the south, away from the Mughal frontier. In return for these, territory worth about 20 lakh huns (about eighty lakh rupees) annually belonging to Ahmadnagar was ceded to Bijapur.
• Shah Jahan also sent to Adil Shah a solemn farman impressed with the mark of the emperor's palm that the terms of this treaty would never be violated.

Shah Jahan completed the settlement of the Deccan by entering into a treaty with Golconda as well:

• The ruler agreed to include the name of Shah Jahan in the khutba and to exclude the name of the Iranian emperor from it.
• The Qutb Shah was to be loyal to the emperor.
• The annual tribute of four lakh huns which Golconda was previously paying to Bijapur was remitted. Instead, it was required to pay two lakh huns annually to the Mughal emperor in return for his protection.

The treaties of 1636 with Bijapur and Golconda were statesmanlike. In effect, they enabled Shah Jahan to realise the ultimate objectives of Akbar: the suzerainty of the Mughal emperor was now accepted over the length and breadth of the country. Peace with the Mughals enabled the Deccani states to expand their territories towards the south and to attain a climax of their power and prosperity during the next two decades.

Expansion South of the Krishna (1636 Onwards)

In the decade following the treaties of 1636, Bijapur and Golconda overran the rich and fertile Karnataka area from the river Krishna to Tanjore and beyond. This area was ruled over by a number of petty Hindu principalities, many of them such as the Nayaks of Tanjore, Jinji, and Madurai, owing nominal allegiance to the Rayal, the former ruler of Vijayanagara. A series of campaigns were conducted by Bijapur and Golconda against these states. With the help of Shah Jahan, they agreed to divide the territories and the spoils gained by their armies in the proportion of 2/3 to Bijapur and 1/3 to Golconda. Despite frequent quarrels between the two, the task of conquest went ahead. Thus, in a short span of time, the territories of these two states more than doubled and they reached the climax of their power and prosperity. If the rulers had been able to consolidate their hold over the areas they had conquered, the Deccan would have seen a long era of peace.

Unfortunately, rapid expansion weakened whatever internal cohesion these states had. Ambitious nobles such as Shahji and his son Shivaji in Bijapur, and Mir Jumla, the leading noble in Golconda, started carving out spheres of influence for themselves. The Mughals too found that the balance of power in the Deccan had been upset and demanded a price for their benevolent neutrality during the expansionist activities of states. These developments came to a head in 1656 following the death of Muhammad Adil Shah and the arrival of Aurangzeb as the Mughal viceroy of the Deccan.

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Bijapur

Ali Adil Shah (d. 1580) loved to hold discussions with Hindu and Muslim saints and was called a Sufi. He invited Catholic missionaries to his court — ever before Akbar had done so. He had an excellent library to which he appointed the well-known Sanskrit scholar, Waman pandit. Patronage of Sanskrit and Marathi was continued by his successors.

Ibrahim Adil Shah II (1580–1627) ascended the throne at the age of nine. He was very solicitous of the poor, and had the title of "abla baba" or "Friend of the Poor". He was deeply interested in music, and composed a book called Kitab-i-Nauras in which songs were set to various musical modes or ragas. He built a new capital, Nauraspur, in which a large number of musicians were invited to settle. In his songs, he freely invoked the goddess of music and learning, Saraswati. Due to his broad approach, he came to be called "Jagat Guru". He accorded patronage to all, including Hindu saints and temples. This included grants to Pandharpur, the centre of the worship of Vithoba, which became the centre of the Bhakti movement in Maharashtra.

The broad, tolerant policy followed by Ibrahim Adil Shah II was continued under his successors. The important role played by Maratha families in the service of the Ahmadnagar state has already been mentioned. The Qutb Shahs too utilised the services of both Hindus and Muslims for military, administrative, and diplomatic purposes. Under Ibrahim Qutb Shah (d. 1580), Murahari Rao rose to the position of Peshwa in the kingdom — a position which was second only to that of Mir Jumla or Wazir. The Nayakwaris who formed the military-cum-landed elements had been a power in the kingdom ever since the foundation of the dynasty. From 1672 till its absorption by the Mughals in 1687, the administrative and military affairs of the state were dominated by the brothers Madanna and Akkanna.

The rulers of Bijapur consistently maintained a high standard and an impeccable taste in architecture. The most famous Bijapuri buildings of the period are the Ibrahim Rauza and the Gol Gumbaz. The former was a mausoleum for Ibrahim Adil Shah and shows the style of its best. The Gol Gumbaz which was built in 1660 has the largest single dome ever constructed. All its proportions are harmonious, the large dome being balanced by tall, tapering minarets at the corner. It is said that a whisper at one side of the huge main room can be heard clearly at the other end.

Golconda

Golconda was the intellectual resort of literary men. Sultan Muhammad Quli Qutb Shah — a contemporary of Akbar — was very fond of literature and architecture. The sultan was not only a great patron of art and literature but was a poet of no mean order. He wrote in Dakhini Urdu, Persian, and Telugu and left an extensive diwan or collection. He was the first to introduce a secular note in poetry — apart from the praise of God and the Prophet, he wrote about nature, love, and the social life of his day. The growth of Urdu in its Dakhini form was a significant development during the period. The successors of Muhammad Quli Qutb Shah and many other poets and writers of the time adopted Urdu as a literary language. In addition to Persian, these writers drew on Hindi and Telugu for forms, idioms, and themes as well as vocabulary. Urdu was patronised at the Bijapuri court also. The poet laureate Nusrali who flourished during the middle of the seventeenth century wrote a romantic tale about Prince Manohar, ruler of Kanak Nagar. From the Deccan, Urdu came to north India in the eighteenth century.

In the field of architecture, Quli Qutb Shah constructed many buildings, the most famous of which is the Char Minar. Completed in 1591–92, it stood at the centre of the new city of Hyderabad founded by Quli Qutb Shah. It has four lofty arches, facing the four directions. Its chief beauty are the four minarets which are four-storeyed and are 48 metres high. The double screen of arches has fine carvings.

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• GS Paper I — Medieval History: This chapter directly addresses the Deccani successor states, Mughal imperial expansion, and the emergence of Maratha power — themes tested directly in UPSC Prelims and Mains.
• Continuity vs. Change: The Deccan policy shows a remarkable continuity from Akbar to Shah Jahan — suzerainty over the Deccan without absorption — though Shah Jahan's decision to extinguish Ahmadnagar marked a break from the policies of Akbar and Jahangir.
• Marathas and State Formation: The growing importance of Marathas as bargis, deshmukhs, and holders of mansabs under the Deccani sultans — and their confidence gained under Malik Ambar's leadership — directly prefigures the rise of the Maratha empire under Shivaji. This is a critical interlink for UPSC.
• Cultural Synthesis: The Deccani states represented a high degree of cultural synthesis — Hindus and Muslims patronising each other's traditions, Marathi and Urdu both developing, and architecture combining Indo-Persian traditions. Ibrahim Adil Shah II's patronage of Pandharpur shows how political and religious tolerance were intertwined.
• Urdu's Origins: Urdu as a literary language developed in the Deccan (Dakhini Urdu) before coming to north India — this is important for understanding the history of Indian languages and literature.
• Portuguese Threat: Akbar's Deccan policy was also motivated by the need to coordinate resistance to the Portuguese, who dominated the Indian seas and interfered in pilgrim traffic to Mecca.
• Interlink: Vijayanagara (1565) → Deccani states expansion → Mughal advance → Chand Bibi resistance → Malik Ambar and Marathas → Shah Jahan's treaties (1636) → Aurangzeb's Deccan campaigns → Maratha rise under Shivaji.

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1. Battle of Talikota vs. Bannihatti: The battle that destroyed Vijayanagara (1565) is commonly called the Battle of Talikota, but Satish Chandra correctly identifies the battle site as Bannihatti, near Talikota. UPSC questions have used both names — be careful not to say Talikota was the exact site.
2. Chand Bibi's identity: Chand Bibi was the sister of Burhan (ruler of Ahmadnagar) and the widow of the former ruler of Bijapur (who was Ibrahim's uncle). She was NOT the ruler of Ahmadnagar in her own right — she was acting as regent/protector for her nephew Bahadur. Do not confuse her relationship — she was connected to BOTH Ahmadnagar (as Burhan's sister) AND Bijapur (as the widow of a Bijapur ruler).
3. Malik Ambar's origin: Malik Ambar was an Abyssinian (Ethiopian), NOT an Afghan or a Deccani by birth. He was sold at the slave market of Baghdad. His rise represents the social mobility possible in the Deccani sultanates.
4. Malik Ambar's title: He held the title of Peshwa (not Nizam or Sultan). He set up Murtaza Nizam Shah II as a puppet ruler and himself ruled as Peshwa. The title Peshwa had been common in Ahmadnagar much earlier — Ambar did not invent it.
5. Nander vs. other battles: The 1601 battle at Nander (Telingana) was where Khan-i-Khanan inflicted a crushing defeat on Malik Ambar — not Panipat, not Berar, and not Haldighati. Do not confuse with other battles.
6. Jahangir's Deccan treaty (1618): Jahangir deliberately did NOT try to enlarge the conquest made by Akbar in the Deccan. This was NOT due to military weakness — it was deliberate policy motivated by Jahangir's hope that moderation would bring stability. UPSC has tested this nuance.
7. Fath Khan: Fath Khan was the son of Malik Ambar — NOT a Mughal commander. He murdered the Nizam Shah at Shah Jahan's instigation, put a puppet on the throne, and then was taken into Mughal service — before being replaced by Shahji Bhonsale in Bijapuri service.

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• Three Deccani states after Bahmani break-up: Ahmadnagar (Nizam Shahis), Bijapur (Adil Shahis), Golconda (Qutb Shahis).
• Battle of Bannihatti (near Talikota), 1565 — Vijayanagara destroyed by combined Deccani forces.
• Marathas: bargis (loose auxiliaries) in Bahmani kingdom; deshmukhs in Deccan; Ibrahim Adil Shah I (1555) introduced Marathi in revenue accounts at all levels; title of Peshwa given to brahmana Kankoji Narsi by Ahmadnagar.
• Akbar's 1591 diplomatic offensive: all states refused except Khandesh.
• Chand Bibi: sister of Burhan (Ahmadnagar), widow of Bijapur ruler; defended Ahmadnagar; agreed to cede Berar (1596); murdered by hostile faction.
• 1596: Berar ceded to Mughals; 1597: Mughals defeat combined Deccani force three times their number; 1600: Ahmadnagar captured; boy-king Bahadur to Gwalior; 1601: Khandesh/Asirgarh fall.
• Malik Ambar: Abyssinian; born Ethiopia; sold at Baghdad slave market; rose under Murtaza Nizam Shah; Peshwa of Nizam Shahi state; gathered Maratha bargis; introduced Todarmal's zabti system; abolished ijara system; died 1626 aged 80.
• 1601: Khan-i-Khanan defeats Ambar at Nander (Telingana).
• By 1610: all Akbar's Deccan gains lost.
• 1616: Khan-i-Khanan defeats combined Deccani forces; Mughals occupy Khirki.
• 1618: Ambar submits after Prince Khurram arrives; Jahangir's policy — moderation, no extension of Akbar's conquests.
• Shah Jahan: deputed Khan-i-Jahan Lodi (failed, then rebelled); decided Ahmadnagar must be extinguished.
• Fath Khan (son of Malik Ambar): murdered Nizam Shah (1631); took Mughal service; jagir around Poona; Shahji defected to Bijapur.
• 1633: Daulatabad falls to Mahabat Khan; Nizam Shah to Gwalior — end of Nizam Shahi dynasty.
• Treaties of 1636: Bijapur — suzerainty, 20 lakh huns indemnity; Golconda — 2 lakh huns annually, khutba in Shah Jahan's name, exclude Iranian emperor's name.
• Post-1636: Bijapur + Golconda conquer Karnataka area from Krishna to Tanjore; 2/3 to Bijapur, 1/3 to Golconda.
• 1656: death of Muhammad Adil Shah; Aurangzeb arrives as Mughal viceroy.
• Bijapur culture: Ali Adil Shah — Sufi, invited Catholic missionaries; Ibrahim Adil Shah II — Kitab-i-Nauras, Nauraspur capital, 'abla baba', 'Jagat Guru', patronised Pandharpur; Ibrahim Rauza (mausoleum for Ibrahim II); Gol Gumbaz (1660) — largest single dome ever constructed.